The president’s full budget includes reductions in income-support programs that core Republican voters rely on—more so than other groups do.
After a week of controversies, and with midterms not too far away, it’s no longer impossible to envision congressional Republicans turning against the president.
Richard Nixon’s dismissal of the Watergate special prosecutor was met with bipartisan outrage. It’s less clear whether the public, and its political leaders, will respond in kind to the firing of FBI director James Comey.
Most of the House Republicans whose districts have recently voted for Democratic presidential candidates supported the Obamacare-replacement bill. That might have been a risky move.
The party has a boom-and-bust coalition: Some of its most reliable voters during presidential elections—young people and minorities—don’t turn out as enthusiastically for midterms.
Republican members of Congress who oppose the Obamacare replacement have something in common: Their constituents—who tend to be older—fear losing benefits.
In the party’s bid to regain power, centrists and Bernie Sanders’s allies offer seemingly incompatible strategies—that target wildly different voters.
Americans are often expected to have some level of higher education before they enter the workforce. These political leaders are asking: Shouldn’t government help them along?
There are dozens of congressional seats nationwide that share similarities with this conservative area near Atlanta—where a special election scheduled for Tuesday has been unusually competitive.
There aren’t many institutions in Washington and beyond championing the president’s nationalistic policies. But there are plenty trying to pull his agenda in a more traditional Republican direction.
Recently I spoke with Chelina Odbert, co-founder and executive director of Kounkuey Design Initiative, a Los Angeles-based nonprofit that applies…
As part of our conversations with winners of The Atlantic’s Renewal Awards, I spoke with Kelli Taylor and Tara…
Lawmakers are finding that their desire to shrink the program doesn’t jibe with the interests of their base.
Former President Bill Clinton strategically positioned himself between dueling Republicans and Democrats in Congress—and got deals out of it. Could Donald Trump do the same?
In an era of polarization and distrust, these local innovators—from a team of urban planners to a kids’ baseball coach—show that individuals can still better their communities.
Comprehensive insurance, with benefits like maternity or mental-health coverage, could become unaffordable—if not unavailable—under the GOP’s replacement plan.
The president wants to convert the GOP into a “worker’s party” for voters of all races. But it may be too late.
The administration’s early weeks have seen the president pulled between his own nationalist agenda and the libertarian-infused economic policies of House Speaker Paul Ryan.
Diversity among union members—particularly in race and occupation—translates to splintering political allegiances.
The 2020 election is projected to mark the first time in more than 40 years that baby boomers aren’t the largest generation of eligible voters.